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Hitler’s speech to the Reichstag, Berlin SPEECH OF MARCH 23, 1933

 

IN NOVEMBER, 1918, Marxist organizations seized the executive power by means of a revolution. The monarchs were dethroned, the authorities of the Reich and of the States removed from office, and thereby a breach of the Constitution was committed. The success of the revolution in a material sense protected the guilty parties from the hands of the law. They sought to justify it morally by asserting that Germany or its Government bore the guilt for the outbreak of the War.

This assertion was deliberately and actually untrue. In consequence, however, these untrue accusations in the interest of our former enemies led to the severest oppression of the entire German nation and to the breach of the assurances given to us in Wilson’s fourteen points, and so for Germany, that is to say the working classes of the German people, to a time of infinite misfortune….

The splitting up of the nation into groups with irreconcilable views, systematically brought about by the false doctrines of Marxism, means the destruction of the basis of a possible communal life…. It is only the creation of a real national community, rising above the interests and differences of rank and class, that can permanently remove the source of nourishment of these aberrations of the human mind. The establishment of such a solidarity of views in the German body corporate is all the more important, for it is only thereby that the possibility is provided of maintaining friendly relations with foreign Powers without regard to the tendencies or general principles by which they are dominated, for the elimination of communism in Germany is a purely domestic German affair.

Simultaneously with this political purification of our public life, the Government of the Reich will undertake a thorough moral purging of the body corporate of the nation. The entire educational system, the theater, the cinema, literature, the Press, and the wireless – all these will be used as means to this end and valued accordingly. They must all serve for the maintenance of the eternal values present in the essential character of our people. Art will always remain the expression and the reflection of the longings and the realities of an era. The neutral international attitude of aloofness is rapidly disappearing. Heroism is coming forward passionately and will in future shape and lead political destiny. It is the task of art to be the expression of this determining spirit of the age. Blood and race will once more become the source of artistic intuition….

Our legal institutions must serve above all for the maintenance of this national community. The irremovableness of the judges must ensure a sense of responsibility and the exercise of discretion in their judgments in the interests of society. Not the individual but the nation as a whole alone can be the center of legislative solicitude. High treason and treachery to the nation will be ruthlessly eradicated in the future. The foundations of the existence of justice cannot be other than the foundations of the existence of the nation.

The Government, being resolved to undertake the political and moral purification of our public life, is creating and securing the conditions necessary for a really profound revival of religious life.

The advantages of a personal and political nature that might arise from compromising with atheistic organizations would not outweigh the consequences which would become apparent in the destruction of general moral basic values. The national Government regards the two Christian confessions as the weightiest factors for the maintenance of our nationality. It will respect the agreements concluded between it and the federal States. Their rights are not to be infringed. But the Government hopes and expects that the work on the national and moral regeneration of our nation which it has made its task will, on the other hand, be treated with the same respect….

Great are the tasks of the national Government in the sphere of economic life.

Here all action must be governed by one law: the people does not live for business, and business does not exist for capital; but capital serves business, and business serves the people. In principle, the Government will not protect the economic interests of the German people by the circuitous method of an economic bureaucracy to be organized by the State, but by the utmost furtherance of private initiative and by the recognition of the rights of property….

The Government will systematically avoid currency experiments. We are faced above all by two economic tasks of the first magnitude. The salvation of the German farmer must be achieved at all costs….

Furthermore, it is perfectly clear to the national Government that the final removal of the distress both in agricultural business and in that of the towns depends on the absorption of the army of the unemployed in the process of production. This constitutes the second of the great economic tasks. It can only be solved by a general appeasement, in applying sound natural economic principles and all measures necessary, even if, at the time, they cannot reckon with any degree of popularity. The providing of work and the compulsory labor service are, in this connection, only individual measures within the scope of the entire action proposed….

We are aware that the geographic position of Germany, with her lack of raw materials, does not fully permit of economic self-sufficiency for the Reich. It cannot be too often emphasized that nothing is further from the thoughts of the Government of the Reich than hostility to exporting. We are fully aware that we have need of the connection with the outside world, and that the marketing of German commodities in the world provides a livelihood for many millions of our fellow-countrymen.

We also know what are the conditions necessary for a sound exchange of services between the nations of the world. For Germany has been compelled for years to perform services without receiving an equivalent, with the result that the task of maintaining Germany as an active partner in the exchange of commodities is not so much one of commercial as of financial policy. So long as we are not accorded a reasonable settlement of our foreign debts corresponding to our economic capacity, we are unfortunately compelled to maintain our foreign-exchange control. The Government of the Reich is, for that reason, also compelled to maintain the restrictions on the efflux of capital across the frontiers of Germany….

The protection of the frontiers of the Reich and thereby of the lives of our people and the existence of our business is now in the hands of the Reichswehr, which, in accordance with the terms imposed upon us by the Treaty of Versailles, is to be regarded as the only really disarmed army in the world. In spite of its enforced smallness and entirely insufficient armament, the German people may regard their Reichswehr with proud satisfaction. This little instrument of our national self-defence has come into being under the most difficult conditions. The spirit imbuing it is that of our best military traditions. The German nation has thus fulfilled with painful conscientiousness the obligations imposed upon it by the Peace Treaty, indeed, even the replacement of ships for our fleet then sanctioned has, I may perhaps be allowed to say, unfortunately, only been carried out to a small extent.

For years Germany has been waiting in vain for the fulfillment of the promise of disarmament made to her by the others. It is the sincere desire of the national Government to be able to refrain from increasing our army and our weapons, insofar as the rest of the world is now also ready to fulfill its obligations in the matter of radical disarmament. For Germany desires nothing except an equal right to live and equal freedom.

In any case the national Government will educate the German people in this spirit of a desire for freedom. The national honor, the honor of our army and the ideal of freedom must once more become sacred to the German people!

The German nation wishes to live in peace with the rest of the world. But it is for this very reason that the Government of the Reich will employ every means to obtain the final removal of the division of the nations of the world into two categories. The keeping open of this wound leads to distrust on the one side and hatred on the other, and thus to a general feeling of insecurity. The national Government is ready to extend a hand in sincere understanding to every nation that is ready finally to make an end of the tragic past. The international economic distress can only disappear when the basis has been provided by stable political relations and when the nations have regained confidence in each other.

For the overcoming of the economic catastrophe three things are necessary:

1.Absolutely authoritative leadership in internal affairs, in order to create confidence in the stability of conditions.

2.The securing of peace by the great nations for a long time to come, with a view to restoring the confidence of the nations in each other.

3.The final victory of the principles of common sense in the organization and conduct of business, and also a general release from reparations and impossible liabilities for debts and interest.

We are unfortunately faced by the fact that the Geneva Conference, in spite of lengthy negotiations, has so far reached no practical result. The decision regarding the securing of a real measure of disarmament has been constantly delayed by the raising of questions of technical detail and by the introduction of problems that have nothing to do with disarmament. This procedure is useless.

The illegal state of one-sided disarmament and the resulting national insecurity of Germany cannot continue any longer.

We recognize it as a sign of the feeling of responsibility and of the good will of the British Government that they have endeavored, by means of their disarmament proposal, to cause the Conference finally to arrive at speedy decisions. The Government of the Reich will support every endeavor aimed at really carrying out general disarmament and securing the fulfillment of Germany’s long-overdue claim for disarmament. For fourteen years we have been disarmed, and for fourteen months we have been waiting for the results of the Disarmament Conference. Even more far-reaching is the plan of the head of the Italian Government, which makes a broad-minded and far-seeing attempt to secure a peaceful and consistent development of the whole of European policy. We attach the greatest weight to this plan, and we are ready to co-operate with absolute sincerity on the basis it provides, in order to unite the four Great Powers, England, France, Italy, and Germany, in friendly co-operation in attacking with courage and determination the problems upon the solution of which the fate of Europe depends.

It is for this reason that we are particularly grateful for the appreciative heartiness with which the national renaissance of Germany has been greeted in Italy….

In the same way, the Government of the Reich, which regards Christianity as the unshakable foundation of the morals and moral code of the nation, attaches the greatest value to friendly relations with the Holy See, and is endeavoring to develop them. We feel sympathy for our brother nation in Austria in its trouble and distress. In all their doings the Government of the Reich is conscious of the connection between the destiny of all German races. Their attitude toward the other foreign Powers may be gathered from what has already been said. But even in cases where our mutual relations are encumbered with difficulties, we shall endeavor to arrive at a settlement. But in any case the basis for an understanding can never be the distinction between victor and vanquished.

We are convinced that such a settlement is possible in our relations with France, if the Governments will attack the problems affecting them on both sides in a really broadminded way. The Government of the Reich is ready to cultivate with the Soviet Union friendly relations profitable to both parties. It is above all the Government of the National Revolution which feels itself in a position to adopt such a positive policy with regard to Soviet Russia. The fight against communism in Germany is our internal affair in which we will never permit interference from outside….

We have particularly at heart the fate of the Germans living beyond the frontiers of Germany who are allied with us in speech, culture, and customs and have to make a hard fight to retain these values. The national Government is resolved to use all the means at its disposal to support the rights internationally guaranteed to the German minorities.

We welcome the plan for a World Economic Conference and approve of its meeting at an early date. The Government of the Reich is ready to take part in this Conference, in order to arrive at positive results at last. . . .

 

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The City of the Reich Party Rallies

In the years after the war one could see a man in Northern Bavaria going from place to place, his rucksack filled with anti-Semitic pamphlets. He never tired of meetings in which he told the Franconians about the danger the Jews are to the world. In tough, constant work the teacher Julius Streicher built a following ready to stand by him through thick and thin. They did not desert him when at the end of 1922 he left the German Socialist Party and joined Adolf Hitler’s NSDAP.

The later Frankenführer was one of the first proclaimers of National Socialism in Franconia. He naturally had as his goal conquering red Nuremberg and turning it into a National Socialist fortress and a center of anti-Semitism. It took hard and bitter struggle, but he succeeded. Nuremberg was soon second only to Munich not only in numbers, but in enthusiasm for the cause. Here more than anywhere else, the Führer could be sure of halls filled to capacity and a public that gave stormy expression to its loving and confident faith in the Führer.

As late as 1922 the Marxists were able to break up the “Artillery Day” with iron bars. But on 1 September of the following year, the impressive German Day was held on the Deutschherrenwiese, to which the German Fighting League owes its origin.

This made it easy for the Führer to decide in spring 1927 to hold the NSDAP’s 3rd Reich Party Rally (the second since its restoration) in the walls of the lovely old Reich city.

Today the Reich Party Rally of the movement is not only a matter of our traditions and styles, but above all a symbol of the unity of the nation. It embodies the Medieval concept of the Reichstag in all its power and glory in a rejuvenated, new and broader form. It also provides the Führer — just as does the Reichstag in Berlin — with a forum in which he can handle political matters of concern to the entire world. Only a part of the larger formations, only a fraction of those whose hearts beat with the millions, can experience the revelations of these days each year. Formerly the party rally was a display to National Socialists as well as to its enemies and those who were indifferent of the powerful and unstoppable growth of the movement. The members received new strength for the coming struggles, the others saw the world’s lies about the presumed decline of the NSDAP shattered.

The Führer consecrated the first four S.A. banners on 28 January 1923 on Munich’s Marsfeld. The young movement was filled with warm courage and a desire for action, wanting to solve the German question by strength. It did not know that a bitter day in November would shatter all its hopes and plans.

Three and a half years later, Adolf Hitler chose the German National Theater in Weimar as the locale for the congress and for the consecration of the banners of National Socialism. Where once the Weimar coalition baptized the ungerman System state [the Weimar Republic], the Führer gave the blood-sanctified flag of 9 November to the loyal hands of his SS. The Weimar Party Rally broke the bonds that had restrained the party since its reestablishment. New courage filled National Socialist hearts, and once more the hope grew strong that the Reich would someday be theirs.

The Reich Party Rally of 1927 in Nuremberg was of a size corresponding to the growth of the party. It was the greatest proclamation of freedom in Germany since the unforgettable days of August 1914. Mass meetings and 13 special sessions on aspects of National Socialist policy and organization were held at various places in the festively decorated city. The large delegates’ conference took place in the main hall of the Kulturvereinshaus. The Luitpoldhain Arena was the ideal place for the S.A. march and the consecration of the banners, even if the masses who came by trucks and trains and on foot and bicycle were not sufficient to fill the arena.

The big event for Nuremberg, however, was the S.A. procession. The population cheered as they marched through the streets to the Hauptmarkt, the present Adolf Hitler Square, where the Führer stood in his car as his followers marched past.

Adolf Hitler personally supervised the preparations, repeatedly traveling to Nuremberg with his aides to work out every detail. Arrivals and departures, housing and provisions, street closings and security, the routes of the masses required the most careful and through preparation if everything was to work out. The movement had to make every effort to ensure that it worked.

The success of the party rally, the attractiveness of the ancient Reich city, and the appropriateness of the area led the Führer to chose Nuremberg for the next party rally, which was to occur from 1-4 August 1929.

The various locations were now determined, but everything was larger and more impressive than before. Over 100,000 people came in 170 special trains and countless trucks to Nuremberg, whose streets carried the stamp of National Socialism.

The party rallies of the period of struggle never could be given full attention. That became clear to the movement and the nation after the victorious National Socialist revolution. Now the Führer had the necessary freedom of action to conduct the Reich Party Rally as his will and spirit wished. The first efforts went into expanding the Luitpoldhain area to the extent necessary for the new conditions. One could also soon see the Führer’s gigantic building projects, with which names like Speer and Ruoff will be associated for all times.

The Führer determined that Nuremberg would forever be the “City of the Reich Party Rallies.” The world reputation of the city, already famous in the Middle Ages, has been restored. Then Albrecht Dürer produced masterpieces of art, Peter Bischer created the noblest sculptures of stone and bronze, and Hans Sachs raised popular literature to the highest level. Outstanding craftsmen in every field were at work and commerce flourished. Nuremberg was a center of German cultural life.

It is no accident that the Reich Party Rally begins each year with a performance of the “Meistersinger.” What could be better than this immortal masterpiece of Richard Wagner? It recalls the magic of old Nuremberg, and points resoundingly and powerfully to the heroic struggle of Adolf Hitler for the German people.

Outside the old walls and towers that testify to a great past, yet bound to them by a thousand ties, a new Nuremberg is growing according to the Führer’s will. His genius is calling forth enormous buildings, the temples of our faith, our desire, our deeds. They give eternal expression in marble to the National Socialist spirit.

Nuremberg is a concept for us today. The old yet simultaneously young city is a bridge from the time-honored past to the proud present and the glorious future. It is a precious shrine that holds old and newly forged traditions. Its monuments and the annual events tied to its name are manifestations of the new political and cultural style.

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Advice to Speakers

I. Rumors of severe winter problems in the East:

The rumors circulating about the severe hardships of our troops in the East lack any foundation. Those problems that do exist are the never to be totally avoided difficulties of winter, which with regards to the length and depth of the front are so minor that they are of no significance.

It should be assumed that these rumors, like most others, have their origins in enemy propaganda, and are attempts to diminish the world’s view of the effective German defense in the East, and to diminish the morale and confidence of the German people.

The Wehrmacht at the front and the administrative offices in occupied territory have tabulated the cases of frostbite. These figures prove that all the chatter is exaggerated. If and when the figures are released to the public depends on strategic considerations. All speakers, of course, should energetically combat stupid and damaging talk.

Those who spread rumors attempt to give apparently irrefutable support by providing sources for their statements. For example, they cite doctors, orderlies, Red Cross nurses, or mayors who supposedly have learned about cases of frostbite at field hospitals, sanitariums, and hospitals. The numbers circulating around the Reich about the number of sick, injured, and amputees far exceed the total number of soldiers on the Eastern Front. When one asks those spreading such stories for written proof, they shut up immediately, for they are not able to provide support for their irresponsible chatter.

Speakers should present these facts to the audiences in their meetings in order to free them from careless gullibility, and to enable them to be responsibly critical of such rumors that they encounter.

The same is true about chatter regarding alleged heavy losses in the East due to typhoid fever. Here, too, precise statistics covering the Arctic Sea to the Black Sea, including occupied Poland, are available. These statistics are surprisingly low. Such diseases cannot be entirely avoided in the East, since lice are so common in the area that there will always be some cases.

As a result, Western Europe is protected from the uncivilized East by delousing stations that prevent the disease from reaching here. There is, therefore, no danger of contagion from the isolated individual cases.

II. Religious agitation:

Reports from speakers regularly show that, in some areas of the Reich, party members are seriously concerned about cases of religious agitation. That should never lead our speakers to take up the matter in meetings. The Führer’s order is that speakers are to avoid any split in our people, under all circumstances and using every means.

The following background information is strictly confidential.

The rumors circulating in some areas about a letter from air hero Mölders, in which he allegedly is to have called for close religious ties, are to be seen as agitation on the part of interested circles. A thorough investigation has found that it has even been read in churches, but that it is a complete fabrication. The dead flying hero never wrote such a letter, and it is entirely unfamiliar to its presumed recipient.

Since the investigation is continuing, nothing will be published, and the information may not be used in public meetings.

The frequent assertions that their is no reason for collecting church bells [to be melted down as scrap] is also a self-serving rumor spread by interested parties. Obviously, just as in past wars (the World War, the 1870/71 war against France, the Wars of Liberation 1812/14), existing reserves of ore and metal must be gathered to secure the necessary resources for armaments production.

Some rumors and opinions in circulation are best overcome simply be ignoring them, and thereby depriving them of the opportunity for public discussion. That is true above all for religions issues, which we do not wish to discuss at this time.

Obviously, reports about such rumors should continue to be submitted. We ask, as in the past, to report all such rumors that you encounter in your activities as a speaker.

III. Labor of Soviet prisoners:

Captured Bolshevists have, in many cases, proved to be very good workers. If their labor is to be of real use to us in the coming months, better treatment is absolutely necessary, particularly in regards to food.

In many areas, the tendency is to provide the captured Soviets with only the absolute minimum. In view of our labor needs, this cannot be continued. There is a Führer order on this matter. Surely there will be no resistance to this in most circles of the German people, especially in rural areas, where captured Soviets will provide visible and needed support in coming months. Mentioning the necessary inclusion of German workers into the military should make clear the need for greater use of Soviet workers.

The appropriate military offices will release guidelines on feeding and housing captured Soviets, as well as rules for dealing with them. What is true for relations with Poles and other prisoners of war is, of course, particularly true for relations with captured Bolshevists. Where Soviet prisoners are at work, our speakers should take particular care to remind people that any contact between the civilian population and these prisoners is to be absolutely avoided.

IV. Language regulations:

a) The concept of “The Reich”:

The British understand how to make their world-spanning territorial holdings seem a united state by using the term “Empire.”

Our goal must be to use the term “The Reich” to present to the world the new Germany and all its possessions as a united state entity.

Therefore, the word “Reich” in the future should never be used to refer to other nations. There are other states and nations, but only one Reich, and that is Germany.

b) “Führer”:

One regularly finds announcements in the press in which leaders of business, athletic, or social organizations are called “Führer.” Speakers should energetically oppose such usages.

The German people has only one Führer, Adolf Hitler. Even in the rest of the world, the term “Der Führer” has become a term that applies only to Adolf Hitler. Many foreign newspapers and books, therefore, do not translate this concept into their own languages.

We, therefore, have the duty to passionately oppose the use of the term for the leaders of clubs, factories, and groups, whether that happens through carelessness or arrogance.

In the same way, we do not apply the title to foreign government or party leaders, even in the case of ethnic or national movements with which we sympathize. Italy has its “Duce,” Spain its “Caudillo,” and we have “our Führer.” Just as Adolf Hitler is unique for us and for the world, so it should be with the term “Führer,” which applies only to him.

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FRICK, WILHELM

(1877-1946) Frick became director of the Munich political police in 1919 and although not officially a party member became one of Hitler‘s closest political advisors. Frick strongly supported Hitler through his position in police headquarters and in 1924, was dismissed because of his actions during the Munich “Putsch”. In 1930, Frick became interior minister of Thuringia, Reich interior minister in 1933, and Reich protector of Bohemia and Moravia in 1943. Sentenced to death at Nuremberg and executed in 1946.

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Text of the Enabling Act 1933

The Enabling Act of March 1933 was formally known as the ‘law to remedy the distress of the people and the nation’. The Enabling Act gaveHitler huge power over every aspect of life in Nazi Germany. For such an important act, it had few articles to it:

 

“The Reichstag has enacted the following law, which is hereby proclaimed with the assent of the Reichsrat, it having been established that the requirements for a constitutional amendment have been fulfilled.

 

Article 1: In addition to the procedure prescribed by the constitution, laws of the Reich may also be enacted by the government of the Reich. This includes the laws referred to by Articles 85 Paragraph 2 and Article 87 of the constitution.

 

Article 2: Laws enacted by the government of the Reich may deviate from the constitution as long as they do not affect the institutions of the Reichstag and the Reichsrat. The rights of the President remain undisturbed.

 

Article 3: Laws enacted by the Reich government shall be issued by the Chancellor and announced in the Reich Gazette. They shall take effect on the day following the announcement, unless they prescribe a different date. Articles 68 to 77 of the constitution do not apply to laws enacted by the Reich government.

 

Article 4: Treaties of the Reich with foreign states which affect matters of Reich legislation shall not require the approval of the bodies of the legislature. The government of the Reich shall issue the regulations required for the execution of such treaties.

 

Article 5: This law takes effect with the day of its proclamation. It loses force on April 1st 1937 of if the present Reich government is replaced by another.”


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