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The Work of Propagandists in the National Socialist State by Hugo Ringler

The 1934 party congress belongs to history. The hundreds of thousands of participants, after a week of powerful experiences, have returned to their homes and jobs. Political leaders received directives for the coming months at the party congress and at numerous special conferences. Every party office, every political leader from the Gau down to the very last local group is now intent on carrying out the plans laid out at Nuremberg, to work for the best of the National Socialist Party and thereby that of the German people. It will be the goal of each participant to meet the goals laid out at Nuremberg not only approximately, but entirely, to further the building of the new state.

The propagandists of the movement of course will follow the general line, particularly as laid out in the proclamation of the Führer. But they will have two further sets of goals as well: those of the major speech by party comrade Dr. Goebbels at the party congress, and those of the special meeting of the Gau and Kreispropaganda leaders held in the Apollo Theater. Dr. Goebbels’ remarks at the party congress to more than 20,000 political leaders are contained in a supplement to this issue. This should be read. Of no less significance and importance for propagandists is the speech the Reichspropagandaleiter [Goebbels] held at the special meeting. It is regrettable that the Appollo Theater is too small to allow all political leaders to hear the speech. The words of Dr. Goebbels are valuable resource for the 1400 Gau and Kreispropaganda leaders and their associates and speakers who were able to attend. A fresh breeze blew through the Appollo Theater. Dr. Goebbels dealt bluntly with objections, and showed how propaganda must be conducted to keep such objections from developing. Here is a brief summary of his remarks.

Everyone must work just as hard today when the National Socialist movement is the ruler of the state as he did in the days when our movement was fighting for power.

That does not mean that propagandists should stop looking for new methods and new ways to improve their work. This is particularly true since some methods and means that were successful during the struggle for power are now outdated or stale. These methods must be replaced by new ones. The Führer in his proclamation set the goal of winning those citizens to the National Socialist world view who were still outside our ranks on 19 August 1934 [the referendum giving Hitler complete power]. We must do everything possible, using new methods and techniques, to win these citizens to our cause.

Those who believe that the movement’s propagandists are less important now, since we now control the state, which in turn controls the various propaganda methods, show only that they understand nothing of the nature and necessities of modern propaganda. Occasionally one encounters a party member or even a political leader who thinks this way. They believe that propaganda is no longer really a task of the party, rather of the state, since it controls the major means of propaganda such as the radio, the press, film, etc. They believe that instead of holding a meeting that reaches perhaps a thousand or ten thousand people, it would be better to broadcast the speech over the radio and reach a much larger audience, or they wonder if mass meetings are even necessary any longer, since the state has the ability to get its message to the people through special editions or articles in the press.

We must vigorously oppose such viewpoints. History has shown us, and our opponents, that using such methods would in the long run guarantee us the fate of our opponents. During our struggle for power, our opponents controlled practically the entirety of the press and radio. Films attacked us as well. Our National Socialist movement had none of these media, only itself and the spoken word; it had to rely on its speakers. Despite that fact, in our fourteen year battle we defeated the enemy. That alone is sufficient proof that all those other methods are not enough. If we combine these means with National Socialist action and National Socialist spirit, we can make them into strong weapons for our worldview. But without a connection to the National Socialist fighting spirit, they will remain ineffective.

From this it is clear that the struggle for the German people and the propaganda for the National Socialist state can never be a task of the state, rather must ever be solely a matter for the party. The movement has the people who are ready and willing to put the National Socialist thinking and will of the state into action. They will use the means of the state. The state cannot carry out the tasks of popular enlightenment and propaganda without the help of the fighters of the National Socialist party. And if the methods were used too often they would lose their effectiveness; even worse, too frequent use would destroy the connection between government and people. The fate of the old parties and the old system demonstrates this. These parties believed that once they had a certain degree of power and a certain number of supporters, they could govern the people from government offices. This erroneous theory, which we knew well how to exploit, is the cause of their collapse. In our fourteen-year struggle for power, we went to the people, we sought to maintain a living connection with the people. The leadership of our party did not hold secret conferences and deliberations, rather everyone from the Führer to the last minor official always strove to stand in the middle of the people, for only in that way could they learn the people’s problems, needs and wishes. Today the National Socialist movement controls the state. No party member with any office at all in the party can neglect to maintain and strengthen this living contact with the people. Were a political leader even in the smallest village to believe that he could neglect this contact, since his party possessed the state, he would quickly find himself and his politics isolated from the people and himself rejected.

Along the same lines, some think that mass meetings are no longer necessary, or even worse, that meetings in general are no longer effective, since the people no longer want them. Dr. Goebbels rejected this idea energetically, saying that wherever the population displayed such a dislike of meetings, the fault was not with the people, rather with those who were not able to hold meetings that the public liked. Some of our opponents laughed when the NSDAP first began holding mass meetings. They believed that since people refused to attend their old-fashioned and calcified meetings, they would also stay away from the our movement’s meetings, which corresponded to the wishes of the people. Those gentlemen aren’t laughing any longer. We could one day suffer the same fate if we make the same mistake and believe that meetings are no longer necessary or effective. Whenever such a threat surfaces, we must work to see that meetings are conducted effectively and that the people come because they are interested in our meetings. If we prepare our meetings with the same fanatic effort, with the same passion, and the same intensity as during the struggle for power, we will not have to complain about poor attendance or even opposition. But if a local group leader believes he can force people to attend a meeting by a meeting by putting an ad in the local newspaper or by distributing a leaflet threatening that those who do not attend will be seen as traitors or will show that they are uninterested in the party or the new state, who indeed attempts in any way to fill his meeting hall by force, he should not be surprised when he finds uninterested people or even empty seats on the night of the meeting. Such behavior can only be explained as the result of great intellectual weakness. We have always been proud to be a movement of the people. Today, too, we must mobilize the people so that they come to our meetings with enthusiasm and interest in hearing what we have to say. We cannot compel the people who showed on 19. August 1934 how powerfully they supported us to attend our meetings. He who tries to fill his meetings by threats, even if he succeeds, does not advance our idea, rather damages it, for the attendees will conclude that the National Socialist movement is no longer able to attract people to it without the use of force.

It is self-evident that careful preparations must be made for meetings and that the speaker must do his best. No speaker, particularly in the thousands of small meetings that occur every day, may assume that it is not as important as it once was to prepare his speeches carefully. It is impermissible to speak for an hour or an hour and a half in a cold and empty way. During the struggle for power we fought for the soul of every single citizen and gave our full energies to winning supporters for our movement. Today we must fight to strengthen the teachings of our worldview in the souls of the people, to persuade them and make true National Socialists of them.

The core of the Reichspropagandaleiter’s message to those at the special meeting was that speakers “have to look the people in the eyes.” We may not think that the struggle is over since we now possess power, and that our meetings now should have a “higher intellectual level.” We must resolutely reject the claim of those who want us to believe that it is no longer “polite” so speak with the same forceful and clear language of the struggle for power. We must always remember that we succeeded because we spoke in a way that the people understood. In the bible of National Socialism, the Führer’s Mein Kampf, he ironically describes a bourgeois meeting. A certain part of the intellectual class found pleasure in the “well organized and profound knowledge” of the speaker. The overwhelming majority of the German people, and the workers in particular, however, rejected this lukewarm hash. May our meetings never become a kind of “fine arts” gathering. Speakers must avoid being offensive, but they must also avoid weakness. The speaker must speak in a way that the people understand. They must sense that he feels the worries and problems of the people, and that his work serves the good of the people.

If today the same fighting spirit that supported our fourteen year struggle for power fills our meetings, if we conduct our labors in this same spirit, if we never give up on a deep and living relationship to the people, the success of our labors is assured. The same force that once filled our meetings — and only our meetings — will flow in our meetings today as well.

The same spirit necessary for our meetings is required for all other areas of our work for the movement. The key commandment is never to depart from the line that we followed in our fourteen-year struggle for power. In all that we do we must remain what we were when we joined the ranks of the activists of the movement. We must never believe that, just because the means and power of the state are on our side, we may slack off, or conduct our struggle differently than in the way that led us to that power.

Reichspropagandaleiter Dr. Goebbels gave a vivid illustration of how to act. There have been cases in which a newspaper editor believed he had to editorialize against National Socialism or against some measure of the new government. The local group leader or the responsible party office responded by sending the editor to a concentration camp, or by threatening to do so. If the offense is not overly serious, if there really is no great need to punish it, if it is a case of minor importance in some provincial paper, or even if it is in a city paper, we should approach it as we did during the struggle for power. During those days tens of thousands of red [socialist] and black [Catholic] pigs spewed their poison against us. We could not ask the state to deal with them. That was probably good, for we were then unable to present these black and red pigs to the public for what they really were. They would have appeared to the public as “martyrs of conscience” or “martyrs to their profession.” In those days we called the people to mass meetings and proved to them the slanderous nature of the accusations. We must do the same today. If a newspaper forgets its duty and wants to return the methods of the past, we should oppose it forcefully with every means at our disposal. We must show the people in a mass meeting who it is who still attempts to interfere with the building of the new Germany. We can be sure that in such a case we act not only in the interests of the movement, but also in the interests of every decent citizen. Those who we oppose in such a manner will most certainly lose interest in any similar experiments in the future. But we will also have given the people proof that National Socialism does not need to depend on state power or require it to carry out its work. Such action will also contribute to winning over that small part of our people that still is not with us. We do not wish to win this small group to our worldview by force or pressure. Rather, where ever and whenever it is possible, and without force or pressure, we want to use the means of education and public pressure on the foes of renewal. If we work in this way, the splendid old fighting spirit that was with us at the very beginning, and which led us onward to our present success, will live on in us and our movement. That will be the best guarantee that the movement will continue to move forward in every way.

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The Battle for Berlin

Berlin may not be ignored when considering the three cities that have been particularly important in the movement’s history.

Berlin! Capital of the Reich and seat of the Reich government, metropolis, world city, Berlin—an endless sea of buildings with a population larger than that of Switzerland! Berlin at last, the city where during the struggle for power everything came together, where the tread of the proletarian masses was louder and more confident, where the Jew in full confidence of his power was more obvious and insolent than anywhere else.

As the National Socialist movement began to recover after the collapse of 9 November and slowly spread to northern Germany, including Berlin, the conditions were highly unfavorable.

During Adolf Hitler’s imprisonment, internal and personal problems split the völkisch movement, with results that lasted into the party’s re-establishment. The problems were even more evident in an enormous city like Berlin. The asphalt wilderness with its largely proletarian population was fertile ground for political fringe groups of every kind. The result was that the Berlin local group of the NSDAP, despite hard work, was going nowhere, and was a real concern for Munich. It was in the same state as the German Workers’ Party was before Adolf Hitler arrived to give meaning and purpose to its struggle. Berlin too lacked a personality of stature sufficient to win the masses of the working class for National Socialism through the power of his words, to deal with the leaders of other parties, to battle the intellectual currents of the System Era and combat the brutal terror of the political underworld, all the while raising high the Swastika banner in this city of millions.

The party leadership waited for a time, hoping that a leader would grow out of Berlin itself. Only after various attempts had proved unsuccessful did the Führer decide in fall 1926 to entrust Dr. Goebbels with the conquest of Berlin, giving him special authority. Dr. Goebbels has already proved himself as Gauleiter of the Rhineland to be a passionate and exciting speaker to workers in the Ruhr area. Events would show whether or not he was the right man for Gauleiter of the Reich capital. On 30 October 1936, the Führer spoke these moving words of thanks to Dr. Goebbels at the ten year anniversary of the Gau: “Your name symbolizes this ten-year battle for Berlin! It will never fade from German history, from the history of the National Socialist movement, and never from the history of this city.”

In truth, the history of the NSDAP in Berlin begins with the day Dr. Goebbels assumed its leadership. He had to undertake major changes to strengthen the organization, including expelling expelling a large clique of quarreling members. The party headquarters were then in a back courtyard on Potsdamer Street named the “opium den.” This was quickly replaced by clean, dignified offices on Lützow Street, and later on Hedemann Street. He began an organized campaign of propaganda and meetings that gradually spread from Spandau to the entire city.

It is obvious that the Berlin NSDAP needed its own “Hofbräuhaus battle” to prove to its opponents that it could stand up against the bloody deeds of the Reds. On 11 February 1927, Dr. Goebbels spoke in the Pharus Hall, the favorite meeting hall of the Communists in the red Wedding district. “The government is near its end. A new Germany must be forged! White collar workers and blue, the fate of the German people is in your hands.” Those were the words on the big red posters on all the poster pillars.

The Marxist parties saw the meeting as a declaration of war, and they were right. The NSDAP was about to invade their strongest districts. As Dr. Goebbels entered the hall, it has been closed for an hour by the police and was two-thirds filled with Red fighters. A Red rabble-rouser making provocative remarks in the hall was hauled out of the mob of his fellow believers by several SS men and brought to the stage. That was the sign for the Red mob to attack. What happened next was identical to what had happened more than five years earlier as the first Storm Troop unit earned its fame. Here too a tiny minority of fanatic National Socialists began what seemed a hopeless battle against a brutal Red force that shrank at nothing. They won in the end, enabling the further growth of the movement.

The elements that characterized the National Socialist battle throughout the Reich are evident in concentrated form in the struggle for Berlin. There were governmental problems and difficulties of every variety, periodic speaking bans for the Gauleiter, bans of the S.A. and the whole party, tiring trials, searches, arrests, prison, meeting hall battles, and everywhere murder…

The whole battle transpired during the glorious era of Vice President of Police Isidor Weiss, whose real name was Bernhard instead of Isidor. However, his origins and his nose fully justified the mocking name that Berlin jokesters gave him.

The periods when the party was banned posed major challenges to the party membership. The party maintained a shaky existence under the cover of organizations like savings societies, bowling clubs and swimming clubs. Missing propaganda activities were replaced to some extent by founding the newspaper “Der Angriff.” The diehard slogan “Though banned, we’re not dead” helped the party survive the crisis, which in the end threatened to dishearten even the most devoted members.

Happier times now came, times that justified the heaviest sacrifices. The inroads into the ranks of the Marxists could no longer be stopped. On an election night, the Führer could stand nervously in Munich as the “Doctor” reported to him the number of National Socialist votes from working class districts, numbers that exceeded his expectations.

None of the occasional and inevitable setbacks that sometimes threatened the Berlin NSDAP and even the unity of the entire movement could stop Adolf Hitler. The public defection of Dr. Otto Strasser, who had always been a troublemaker, the S.A. mutiny led by Stennes, the betrayal by Gregor Strasser — all these passed like ghosts.

Much blood was shed in the battle for Berlin. Many a promising Berliner had to give his young life for the struggle, the struggle for Germany. One cannot recall these sacrifices without remembering the immortal one murdered on 23 February 1930. Berlin was where the young student Horst Wessel built a unit of young lads who until then had proudly called themselves proletarians, but now were filled with the fighting spirit that came from National Socialist ideals. And the confidence in coming victory led to the song that made his name immortal.

”Raise high the flag, close the ranks…” That is not only a portrait of the march of the Berlin S.A. through the streets in the east and north of the city. It is a command, an order, an appeal to the conscience of the comrades not to waver or weaken until Hitler’s flag wave over every street. Horst Wessel embodies the young leaders of a new age and his name has become a symbol for the unknown S.A. man.

The Führer spoke often in Berlin, in Clou and the Sport Hall. But only in the decisive year 1932 did he become a regular guest in the Reich capital, staying in the Hotel Kaiserhof. The negotiations for taking over the government took place in Berlin, as did the last political and diplomatic struggles. The last barriers had to be eliminated here until the way was free for the most capable in Germany. Today Berlin has the good fortune to have Adolf Hitler as Führer and Chancellor of the German people in its midst, and to take a greater role than any other city in Germany in his struggle, his work, his plans and concerns.

The transformation of Berlin has begun. This enormous city’s random growth will be tamed by the Führer’s plans. Within a few years, the stony wilderness will have a new face, characterized by great avenues, impressive squares and noble buildings. These too are symbols of those enormous tasks facing Adolf Hitler and the German people: the building of a National Socialist German Reich.

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The City of the Reich Party Rallies

In the years after the war one could see a man in Northern Bavaria going from place to place, his rucksack filled with anti-Semitic pamphlets. He never tired of meetings in which he told the Franconians about the danger the Jews are to the world. In tough, constant work the teacher Julius Streicher built a following ready to stand by him through thick and thin. They did not desert him when at the end of 1922 he left the German Socialist Party and joined Adolf Hitler’s NSDAP.

The later Frankenführer was one of the first proclaimers of National Socialism in Franconia. He naturally had as his goal conquering red Nuremberg and turning it into a National Socialist fortress and a center of anti-Semitism. It took hard and bitter struggle, but he succeeded. Nuremberg was soon second only to Munich not only in numbers, but in enthusiasm for the cause. Here more than anywhere else, the Führer could be sure of halls filled to capacity and a public that gave stormy expression to its loving and confident faith in the Führer.

As late as 1922 the Marxists were able to break up the “Artillery Day” with iron bars. But on 1 September of the following year, the impressive German Day was held on the Deutschherrenwiese, to which the German Fighting League owes its origin.

This made it easy for the Führer to decide in spring 1927 to hold the NSDAP’s 3rd Reich Party Rally (the second since its restoration) in the walls of the lovely old Reich city.

Today the Reich Party Rally of the movement is not only a matter of our traditions and styles, but above all a symbol of the unity of the nation. It embodies the Medieval concept of the Reichstag in all its power and glory in a rejuvenated, new and broader form. It also provides the Führer — just as does the Reichstag in Berlin — with a forum in which he can handle political matters of concern to the entire world. Only a part of the larger formations, only a fraction of those whose hearts beat with the millions, can experience the revelations of these days each year. Formerly the party rally was a display to National Socialists as well as to its enemies and those who were indifferent of the powerful and unstoppable growth of the movement. The members received new strength for the coming struggles, the others saw the world’s lies about the presumed decline of the NSDAP shattered.

The Führer consecrated the first four S.A. banners on 28 January 1923 on Munich’s Marsfeld. The young movement was filled with warm courage and a desire for action, wanting to solve the German question by strength. It did not know that a bitter day in November would shatter all its hopes and plans.

Three and a half years later, Adolf Hitler chose the German National Theater in Weimar as the locale for the congress and for the consecration of the banners of National Socialism. Where once the Weimar coalition baptized the ungerman System state [the Weimar Republic], the Führer gave the blood-sanctified flag of 9 November to the loyal hands of his SS. The Weimar Party Rally broke the bonds that had restrained the party since its reestablishment. New courage filled National Socialist hearts, and once more the hope grew strong that the Reich would someday be theirs.

The Reich Party Rally of 1927 in Nuremberg was of a size corresponding to the growth of the party. It was the greatest proclamation of freedom in Germany since the unforgettable days of August 1914. Mass meetings and 13 special sessions on aspects of National Socialist policy and organization were held at various places in the festively decorated city. The large delegates’ conference took place in the main hall of the Kulturvereinshaus. The Luitpoldhain Arena was the ideal place for the S.A. march and the consecration of the banners, even if the masses who came by trucks and trains and on foot and bicycle were not sufficient to fill the arena.

The big event for Nuremberg, however, was the S.A. procession. The population cheered as they marched through the streets to the Hauptmarkt, the present Adolf Hitler Square, where the Führer stood in his car as his followers marched past.

Adolf Hitler personally supervised the preparations, repeatedly traveling to Nuremberg with his aides to work out every detail. Arrivals and departures, housing and provisions, street closings and security, the routes of the masses required the most careful and through preparation if everything was to work out. The movement had to make every effort to ensure that it worked.

The success of the party rally, the attractiveness of the ancient Reich city, and the appropriateness of the area led the Führer to chose Nuremberg for the next party rally, which was to occur from 1-4 August 1929.

The various locations were now determined, but everything was larger and more impressive than before. Over 100,000 people came in 170 special trains and countless trucks to Nuremberg, whose streets carried the stamp of National Socialism.

The party rallies of the period of struggle never could be given full attention. That became clear to the movement and the nation after the victorious National Socialist revolution. Now the Führer had the necessary freedom of action to conduct the Reich Party Rally as his will and spirit wished. The first efforts went into expanding the Luitpoldhain area to the extent necessary for the new conditions. One could also soon see the Führer’s gigantic building projects, with which names like Speer and Ruoff will be associated for all times.

The Führer determined that Nuremberg would forever be the “City of the Reich Party Rallies.” The world reputation of the city, already famous in the Middle Ages, has been restored. Then Albrecht Dürer produced masterpieces of art, Peter Bischer created the noblest sculptures of stone and bronze, and Hans Sachs raised popular literature to the highest level. Outstanding craftsmen in every field were at work and commerce flourished. Nuremberg was a center of German cultural life.

It is no accident that the Reich Party Rally begins each year with a performance of the “Meistersinger.” What could be better than this immortal masterpiece of Richard Wagner? It recalls the magic of old Nuremberg, and points resoundingly and powerfully to the heroic struggle of Adolf Hitler for the German people.

Outside the old walls and towers that testify to a great past, yet bound to them by a thousand ties, a new Nuremberg is growing according to the Führer’s will. His genius is calling forth enormous buildings, the temples of our faith, our desire, our deeds. They give eternal expression in marble to the National Socialist spirit.

Nuremberg is a concept for us today. The old yet simultaneously young city is a bridge from the time-honored past to the proud present and the glorious future. It is a precious shrine that holds old and newly forged traditions. Its monuments and the annual events tied to its name are manifestations of the new political and cultural style.

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Our Speakers in the Anti-Marxist Battle by Fritz Oerter

As we review the Reichstag, provincial parliament, and city elections of 1932, we must conclude that the day of huge mass meetings and mass marches is over, at least when it comes to winning new supporters for the National Socialist movement.

Those citizens whom we could interest in our world view through marches and mass meetings, the sensible members of the middle class, have been reached. The “middle class” reactionary front has been ground down — despite their election “victory” of 6 November. Nationalist circles are the ones that increasingly visited our mass meetings, that saw our marches with growing enthusiasm, and remain today about 95% of the attendees at our meetings, although they have long since been won over to National Socialism.

But this loyal core of National Socialist supporters will surely grow weary of filling our mass meetings. In someGaue, it is already true that only the most prominent leaders of our party like Hitler, Straßer, Goebbels, Goering, Frick, etc., are able to bring out crowds in the tens of thousands. The high point of this form of propaganda is over, and we must now reach those circles which our propaganda so far has unfortunately been unable to reach in sufficient numbers.

Let us be honest with ourselves. The road is free and open, but our main enemy has done unexpectedly well in resisting the National Socialist advance. We have certainly succeeded in fragmenting the Marxist front and in winning a large number of former Marxists for our worldview. The Social Democrats are fighting desperately for their survival, and thanks to National Socialist educational work hundreds of thousands, even millions, of people who once were firm supporters of Marxist nonsense are beginning to waver. They are looking into the National Socialist movement, naturally against the wishes of their “leaders.” Still, Marxist propaganda, and especially its press, regularly succeeds in leading people have have seen the light back into error, and bringing them back under the control of Marxist party leaders.

Why? In opposing Marxism, we oppose a deeply-rooted worldview that is based on over sixty years of intensive work. It is in turn founded on the still older liberal worldview and economic order. It enjoys not only the protection of tradition, but the strength a younger movement can bring to bear against an older one. Liberalism was not able to resist Marxism. The liberal parties and ideologies could only fight defensively against a worldview with greater strength and clarity of purpose. Even the Marxist worker who long doubted and sought for something better eventually had to conclude that Marxism is the only worldview that can bring a new and better society and economic order. Who can hold it against him that he rejected the forces that denied him equality and a share in the results of his labor? The German worker absorbed Marxism in his parents’ home, and was surrounded by people who thought the same in the workplace. In what remained of his sound understanding, he knew that there was a flaw somewhere in the worldview. He realized that there was a catch somewhere to the lovely teachings of “expropriating the expropriators,” of “the equality of everyone with a human face,” of “international brotherhood,” of “international solidarity,” but he did not know where, and there was no one to show him the contradictions, the weak points, in the thinking of Karl Marx and his followers.

Thanks to our ten years of educational work, he is suspicious. He became a seeker, a doubter, but unfortunately only a few of his comrades have found their way to us. The 1932 election results prove this. We have made inroads into the ranks of the SPD [Socialists] and the KPD [Communists], but not to the extent that the “leaders” of the Marxist parties have deserved as a result of their inability, incompetence, and contradictory policies.

Every National Socialist fighter who speaks to meetings of Marxist workers must recognize this and draw the necessary conclusions. The Marxist party “leaders” have made mistake after mistake. They have promised everything since 1918 and delivered nothing. They have worked a hundred times with Jewish racketeers and a thousand times with capitalism. They are responsible for all the need and misery of the German people, and of German workers. Yet if our Reich, Gau, and county speakers do not succeed in reducing the Marxist nonsense propounded by the Socialists and Communists to absurdity, their sacrificial work will not succeed in widening the breach in the Marxist front. Without that, the deceptive Marxist worldview will fail to collapse in the manner of those organizations that supported calcified liberalism.

We should not take Marxism lightly! To defeat the enemy, we must know its weapons. If its weapons are good, we must have better ones if we are to survive. Only when we know, and know precisely, what Marxism teaches can we succeed in convincing the Social Democratic and Communist workers of the unfruitfulness of this doctrine, thereby making National Socialists of them. Of course, it remains necessary to show German workers who are still enthused about the doctrines of Marx, Engels, Lassalle, or Lenin what kind of “leaders” they have. However, revealing the nature of their “leaders” and policies shakes only their confidence in their party, but rarely their attitudes about the worldview.

Our propaganda, our intensive educational work, must make clear to the German worker that the aims of the “Communist Manifesto” and the “Erfurt,” “Görlitz,” and “Heidelberg” programs, proclaimed for decades, are impossible and utopian, and that the materialist philosophy and economic system of the “Capital” are erroneous and lead in the wrong direction. We must show them that this is the reason for the behavior of many Social Democratic and Communist “leaders.” They have no choice but to play such a treasonous role. Only if we do this will Marxism’s supporters give up all hope of a future Marxist state and become willing to consider true German socialism.

The conclusion is simple: Training, untiring and thorough training, is necessary! It is necessary not only for the members, whom some functionaries and speakers handle as if they were a bit stupid, but for everyone at the political front. For officials and speakers, anti-Marxist training is of the greatest importance. Unfortunately, many of our speakers — and often not the worst ones either — have completely avoided training about Marxism. True, they understand National Socialist thinking, but not Marxist views and theses. They are like army officers who have good soldiers, but do not know how strong the enemy is or where he is located.

That is why there are complaints about this or that speaker in nearly every Gau. Party members want better education, better speakers, to enable them to hold their own against opponents, even if a question comes up that goes beyond current events. Marxist meeting visitors have been worked on through the lies of an unscrupulous press. They are especially critical. A single ill-chosen phrase or the least sign of uncertainly drives these citizens away, and some who were making their way toward us are lost forever. Our work has made them distrust their own leaders, but the long rabble-rousing of their “leaders” has also left them suspicious about National Socialist thinking.

It is nonsense to think that a popular style of speaking (which often turns out to be vulgar) is enough to win sympathy for the speaker in a meeting of workers. The opposite! The Marxist worker can tell what is genuine and what is artificial. When he sees that a speaker has taken on a “popular” style of speaking, or that he wears a shirt without a collar, or rolled up sleeves or other things like that, he becomes reserved and critical. Obviously a workers’ meeting is not a university auditorium. The speech must be simple and clear. But coarse language and shabby clothing generally harm the overall impression, just as do an elevated, lecturing style and elegant dress.

There is too much of this going on, in part due to a lack of through training that is replaced by outward appearances. Unnecessary exaggeration is also harmful. For example, a speaker at a meeting of workers before the 6 November election announced that our vote total would rise significantly and that we would win 250 seats. The half-won Marxists lost faith in this prophet and the worldview he preached. Even worse, some National Socialist speakers who fail to understand Marxism’s idea of class struggle said that the NSDAP might call for a general strike if Herr von Papen dared to dissolve the newly elected Reichstag. Similar exaggerations, of which there were unfortunately many, destroy everything that the speaker thinks he accomplished in his speech.

One mistake is particularly common. When National Socialist speakers who were formerly Marxists speak in workers’ areas, the publicity often says : “The former Marxist union secretary so-and-so will speak on the theme “Marxism or German workers.” The Marxist worker attends such a meeting to hear a discussion of worldviews. He is deeply disappointed when he gets only a normal discussion of current events, which does not in any way make it easier for him to decide which worldview to support.

What good does such a meeting do the Marxist worker? He knows that his “leaders” have betrayed the “goals of the revolution.” He knows they supported the Young Plan. He knows that Soviet Russia is not a land of milk and honey. He knows that National Socialism is fighting von Papen. He knows that Hindenburg was supported by the Social Democrats and some in the KPD. He did not come to listen to a former Marxist speaker to hear these things again. He wants to hear something different. He wants to know why this former Marxist left the red flag and now fights for the swastika. He is a seeker. He has lost faith in Marx and his doctrines. His world is threatening to collapse, and he wants a new and better worldview.

The former Marxist who found a new worldview in National Socialism should help his former party members to make a final break with Marxism. He should make it easier to for them to become National Socialists. The Marxist worker wants to hear why the speaker today opposes which he once honestly fought for, perhaps for more than a generation. He wants to know why the speaker chose National Socialism, and how it is superior to Marxist thinking.

The attitude of a large part of the Marxists who come to our meetings can be summarized in this way: They no longer believe their “leaders”; they doubt Marxist doctrine; they look to the worker-speakers of the National Socialist people’s movement to find a justification to bring them from Marxism to National Socialism.

They want a plausible justification and good reasons for doing what they instinctively feel. For decades the materialist worldview was pumped into them. They learned to evaluate everything from a materialistic and rational perspective. As convinced Marxists, they were ruled by cold, clear reason, not by feelings. Mind and stomach, not heart and soul, were the driving forces behind events. In their heart and soul, many of these former Marxist workers are already National Socialists; only their materialism keeps them from breaking with the false gods of the past.

The movement’s speaker has the task of making it easier for Marxist workers to break with the past. He must be ready and able to give these citizens a logical basis for their emotional longing for National Socialism. He can do that only by knowing the Marxist worldview as well as he knows his own. He must be able to deal directly with the ideas of Marxists in the audience. He must be able to handle even the best Marxist discussion speakers.

Can every National Socialist speaker do that? No. The news from the Gaue proves it. The order of the day is thus training and more training. Some good National Socialist literature already deals with the fundamentals of Marxism. The National Socialist who has read these materials and understood them is capable of dealing with the average Marxist speaker, but not with well-trained Marxist speakers who have a solid understanding of the writings of Marx and Engels and who have mastered them. Therefore, the training should be conducted by party comrades who have studied Marxist doctrine in depth and are able to cross swords with even the best opponents from the Marxist camp.

Unfortunately, many diligent speakers have the incorrect belief that they do not need to learn anything further, that it is enough if they keep up with current events. They will know better once they have participated in a well-organized training course in which Marxist workers with better than average political education defend their worldview against the attacks of National Socialism. In such a course, the National Socialist speaker learns what he is lacking in order to be able to win the German worker to National Socialism. In fair and factual ways, but also in compelling and precise form, these training courses discuss the worldviews of National Socialism and Marxism. These discussions prove that the National Socialist worldview is far superior to Marxist ideology, but also that Marxist spokesmen, including minor functionaries and speakers, enjoy training that could be of great value to some of our speakers in workers’ meetings. The lack of such training is the reason that many of them lack the success they desire.

When our Führer determines Germany’s fate, such training will be of particular importance. Hand in hand with the practical refutation of Marxist theories that will come by realizing National Socialism, we need an intensive theoretical education of the working masses in order to free the last German worker from internationalism and materialism. They need to be persuaded of German idealism, of the principle that “the common good goes before the individual’s good.”

This is hard work, but the goal is worth it. Millions of German citizens will once again believe in their race, fatherland, and social justice. To work, then, you National Socialist fighters against Marxism and Reaction! Prepare yourselves for the final battle against Marx and his followers! Then victory will no longer be denied us!

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Politicians of Catastrophe

The sensationalist newspapers lie when they say: The Nazis are politicians of catastrophe. For years, the Red party hacks and press Jews have slandered the National Socialists as incompetent or evil-minded politicians of catastrophe. We select three particularly interesting lies from the many out there.

Young Plan

As the National Socialists attempted to save the German people from the disastrous Young Plan through a referendum, the Red sensationalist newspapers cried and shouted that the Nazis were promoting a catastrophic policy. When National Socialist speakers warned of the consequences of the dangerous Young Plan, and predicted a catastrophe for the German people, which has today come to pass, the Red “workers’ leaders” twisted the facts and claimed that “the Nazis were the politicians of catastrophe.”

The then Reich Minister of the interior Severing spoke on 9 October 1929 over the radio. According toVorwärts of 10 October 1929, he said among other things:

“The Young Plan eases things!”

“No one can deny that that the German economy that we all hope will improve, will face no increase in reparations under the Young Plan.”

“The Young Plan is better for the German people than the Dawes Plan.”

“If the referendum passes, the German people will be plunged once again into terrible chaos.”

“The result (of the referendum! The editor) would be . . . a catastrophe for democracy.”

Very simple!

One called the Nazis the politicians of catastrophe, because they warned the German people of catastrophe!

In June 1929, before the Young Plan, Germany had 720,000 unemployed.

Today, after two years of the Young Plan, the unemployment rate is far above 6 million.

It has increased by almost a factor of ten in 2 1/2 years.

Capital Flight

After the National Socialist election victory of 14 September 1930, the Social Democratic party hacks began to tolerate the bourgeois Brüning cabinet that they had previously opposed. They attempted to make the Nazis responsible for the resulting flight of capital.

The Nazis are responsible for the capital flight! It is interesting that the same elements that always lied in claiming the Nazis were capitalist hirelings suddenly wanted to blame the Nazis for capital flight. One sees here how one Marxist lie contradicts the other. If the Nazis were really capitalist hirelings, why would capital flee abroad because of them?

Where is the logic in that? However, logic is never important to the desperate Social Democratic party hacks and their swindles. They lie for the practical purpose of saving themselves.

They thus kept silent to the masses about the law the NSDAP proposed in the Reichstag to prevent capital flight:

“He who has money or other valuables abroad must report to the relevant finance office with a month of the effective date of this law precise details about where the foreign assets is held. If the finance office requires the return of the assets kept abroad, this is to be done immediately and proof of the fact is to be given to the finance office within the stated time period. In the event this is not done, a penalty equal to the value of the assets abroad is to be charged, which is due immediately from the debtor. The entire domestic assets of him who does not meet the duty to report will be seized for the benefit of the whole of the German people. Also, violation will be punished with prison for treason.”

The hypocrites who complained most about capital flight voted against this law.

It has since become clear why Red collection of party hacks had to oppose this law. It turns out that capital flight, which they tried to make the Nazis responsible for, was actually practiced by the Red party hacks themselves and their friends. A few examples:

1. When the Amstel Bank in Amsterdam collapsed, it turned out that, among others, the Jew Max Pallenberg, the radial comrade of the Social Democratic newspaper Vorwärts’ editor, had deposed $250,000 in Holland.

That is capital flight!

2. The former mayor of Berlin Bötz —known for his role in the Sklarek fur coat affair — has a luxuriously furnished palace in Switzerland!

That is capital flight!

3. The former Social Democratic mayor Kauer from Sonnenberg (Thuringia) owns an elegant, comfortable villa on the Swiss border, and enjoys the pension that an impoverished German city has to pay him! Before the war, Knauer was an upholsterer’s apprentice.

That is capital flight!

But one reads nothing of these capital flights in Social Democratic papers! The Red sensationalist newspapers, however, keep agitating and lying.

Inflation

As the old lies were no longer believable, the Red bigwig society found a new lie in fall 1931, the lie that the Nazis wanted inflation. With astounding insolence, the same elements responsible for the inflation of 1923 accused the Nazis of wanting a new inflation.

The only thing to say about this miserable lie is that the NSDAP has always said that it wants to create a stable currency.

The noise about inflation is only at attempt to the socialist party hacks to divert attention from their guilt for the inflation of 1923. If these boys want to talk about inflation today, we would like to remind them of a few facts:

In November 1922 , as everyone today agrees, a committee met in Berlin to discuss the currency question. The Social Democrat Hilferding was the chairman. One of the participants later declared, without any of the accused later objecting to his assertions,

that the representatives of high finance intended further inflation, up to the complete impoverishment of the German people. The representative of the Warburg banking house, in particular, argued for the greatest possible inflation!

Further, according to the Reich Legal Bulletin of 1921, p. 508: “The Reichstag has approved the following law, with the agreement of the Reich Council:

Paragraph 1

The statement in Paragraph 17 of the Bank Law, under which that part of the Reich bank notes in circulation which are backed by hard German money, Reich notes, or gold in bars of foreign coins, may not fall below a third, is suspended until 31 December 1923.

Paragraph 2

This law takes effect on the day following publication.

Berlin, 9 May 1921. The Reich President: signed, Ebert

The shamelessness with which the Red sensationalist newspapers carry on their campaign of lies is proven to us by an issue of Vorwärts dated 15 October 1931. Under the question “Do you want that again?”Vorwärts printed a picture of an old 500 million mark note from the inflation period. However, good old honest Vorwärts was rather careless. The 500 million mark note was printed on 1 September 1923, at which point the Reich Minister of Finance was the Social Democrat Hilferding!

Wherever one looks, lies and slander!

Why does the SPD slander the Nazis as politicians of catastrophe?

To divert the masses from its own outrageous policies of deceiving the people and betraying the workers, which have led the German people into the greatest catastrophe in generations. The Red party hacks are using lies and slander against the awakening German people, united in the NSDAP. Fear and a guilty conscience drives them to one new lie after another. With the large sums of money that the Red sensationalist newspapers get from Jewish high finance, they are conducting a huge propaganda campaign.

As the Mitteilungsblatt der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Hessen revealed in December 1930, in the 4th quarter of 1930, after the September election, the SPD party leadership distributed

2,075,000 mass brochures free of charge.

Among them were the Scheidemann pamphlet Heads in the Sand? and the Löbe pamphlet The Dragon of Marxism — each with a million free copies distributed. The NSDAP could never afford such enormous propaganda. However, unlike the SPD, it receives no money from Jewish high finance, but rather depends entirely on the sacrifices of its membership.

Despite this enormous agitation, the SPD has had a disastrous year in 1931. Its slogan “Where is the second man?” was laughed to death. Today, the Red party hacks are trying the “Iron Front,” and their sensationalist newspapers lie and slander.

In vain? It accomplishes nothing!

The German worker has seen through their lying game. He knows today that

the sensationalist newspapers lie

from principle, in order to divert attention from the treason and crimes of the Red bankrupts.

Lie as much as you want!

The German worker does not believe you any longer. He turns his back on the party of organized lies, and joyfully joins

Adolf Hitler’s party!

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